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High-Tech Backlash

High-Tech Backlash

Underneath the angled, taking off, the light yellow roof of a room in the labyrinth of Al Azhar University, past the mass of highly contrasting representations of imams dating to the twelfth century, Heba Zakaria, age 32, sits opposite a board scribbled with the email address (English is as yet the most widely used language of the Internet.) Zakaria is an individual from the ascendant decision party in Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party. She is one of the new age of postrevolutionary, politically dynamic, religious Egyptians utilizing online networking, phones, and other apparently freeing innovations—instruments that just may wind up packing down the scholarly opportunity and ladies' rights. When I solicited to meet with individuals from the Muslim Brotherhood's new media outreach group, their representative sent me to her. 

With the world watching, Egyptians rebelled against the harsh administration of Hosni Mubarak in January 2011. Amid 18 overwhelming days in Tahrir Square, liberals and theocrats held hands and the Egyptian individuals appeared to be brought together. At the point when the main post-revolution races arrived, notwithstanding, only one voice 
dominated: The Muslim Brotherhood and other hard-Islamist parties picked up control of 71 percent of the parliamentary seats in what worldwide eyewitnesses led a reasonable race. The Brotherhood competitor, Mohamed Morsi, hence took the administration also. 

It stays misty how much power the military will really surrender to Egypt's new regular citizen experts. Yet, common liberals—who didn't make it to the presidential spillover and who are an unmistakable minority in the Parliament—expect that the Islamist-commanded government will put God above human rights. Innovation was not a leveling power in Egypt's worn out polit­ical world. It gave an edge to the Islamists since they had a political ground diversion backpedaling decades and, some say, since they were financed to the tune of a huge number of dollars by the preservationist Persian Gulf states. Presently these same gatherings have set up an online networking nearness and are utilizing the Internet to broaden their compass. 

"We utilized new media previously the transformation to spread the message and individuals ridiculed us," Zakaria says. It is a warm January day on the eve of the upheaval's first commemoration, and she is wearing a story length maroon calfskin coat, her face confined by a firmly wrapped dim maroon scarf laying on a short plastic bill. In postrevolutionary Egypt, her gathering, intended to express female unobtrusiveness, is never strange anyplace, even at the stature of forsake summer. 

Zakaria runs Al Azhar's daily paper and furthermore gives her chance and learning to the Freedom and Justice Party's new media work. The Internet, she says, had a freeing impact by uniting similarly invested religious Egyptians. "The Islamic individuals didn't have a voice, and new media gave them a voice," she lets me know. The web blended "a million people who have similar considerations and thoughts." Once the Muslim Brotherhood actualizes those thoughts, laws as of now on the books restricting ladies to below average status and diminishing the right to speak freely in the appearance of battling "lewdness" could be progressively upheld. 

Zakaria predicts that the Brotherhood's new-old lawful system and family esteem stage will enable ladies to acknowledge they lean toward residential life and reject work outside the home. "The old media spread dissension and put a message in the lady's head that she is set against the man, and that impacts her conduct in the family. The lady is a spouse and mother initially, and the father is the husband and father," she says. When I take note of that Zakaria herself works outside the home and is unmarried, she sadly clarifies that it isn't her decision. "Where it counts, all ladies need a man to deal with them.
High-Tech Backlash
 Reviewed by Amna Ilyas on October 28, 2017 Rating: 5

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